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This resemblance to Greek accounts is likewise to be observed in the short history of Rome which follows the account of Aeneas. Rather than follow the most common Latin source, Livy, our version bears a closer resemblance to the accounts of Dio, Plutarch, and Dionysius of Halicarnassus.
Finally, there is the very noticeable Greek flavor in the language of ET, some of which might be construed as indicative of the use of Greek source material. A number of Greek loan-words may be listed, including some uncommon ones: Note that in our text the word is not declined. Sophocles, Greek Lexicon, quotes examples from A. Likewise some case forms should be observed: Yet this pedantry is of a singularly artless sort; we find none of the rhetorical complications, the piling up of citations, or the pseudocritical evaluation of sources so common in those Latin writers who attempt to give the impression of great learning.
Indeed, a few of the Grecisms which occur in the narrative of the Trojan War are difficult to account for as mere pedantry, and might very conceivably be survivals from a Greek original. Throughout that part of ET which relates the Trojan War, this form is consistently used. The natural conclusion would be that the author is merely following his source in writing one form or the other. Considering the rarity of Odisseus in Latin, there is at least a strong suggestion that this earlier source was a Greek one.
Since the evidence is inconclusive, the whole question of ultimate sources must for the present be left open. The text as we now have it has come through a long period of wretched transmission; its ultimate date and origin can only be a matter of conjecture, since the narrative preserves some elements of great antiquity.
The extreme simplicity of the narrative, and the frequent repetitions give definite evidence of a pedagogical intent. Moreover, there occurs with great frequency a question-and-answer formula undoubtedly designed to drill the students of classic legend: The entire work, as we have seen, underwent a thorough mediaevalizing at the hands of a redactor; it accumulated some incorrect and inappropriate quotations as well as some naive glosses and some amazing scribal corruptions before it came down to us in its present form.
Riccardiana Ri ; Florence, Bibl. The earliest of these is L, dating from the end of the ninth century. For a full discussion of the MSS, see below, pp.
Lowe, Scriptura Beneventana Oxford,Plate xxv. A close study of ET gives no support whatever to this opinion, although there are of course some parallels. For editions of Dares and Dictys, and also for editions of classical works cited on the following pages, see Bibliography below, pp. Gruppe, Griechische Mythologie und Religionsgeschichte Munich,i, ff. Fairclough, London,Juno says: Iuturnam misero fateor succurrere fratri suasi et pro vita maiora audere probavi, non ut tela tamen, non ut contenderet arcum.
At some points it seems necessary to assume that the original story has been condensed. It hardly seems necessary to conclude, however, that the author of ET modelled his use of the word on Corippus.
That the meaning was current in the Middle Ages seems improbable: The Greek zaba appears only from A. But the word was cormmon in mediaeval Latin and may have been introduced by the redactor. Comparetti, Virgilio nel Medio Evo 2 vols.
Eyssenhardt, Leipzig,iii, 5, For discussion and citations see below, p. On the golden apple and its various inscriptions see also A. See, among others, G.
Yet even here, as has been shown on p. That Greek material might conveniently be combined with the Aeneid appears clearly in the fourth or fifth century work Origo Gentis Romanae, in which the author supplements Virgil by means of excerpts from Dionysius and others. Klasse, lxiv Lowe, Scriptura Beneventana, Plate xxv. A few of these are especially common in the Itala and Vulgate translations of the Bible, although certainly not confined to such works.
Also interesting is eicere with the meaning of educere: All of these usages were common in late popular Latin, and can therefore not be taken as evidence of literary influence, although collectively they may indicate a preference for that type of Latin which resembles Greek.
For discussion of the weakened eicere see H. Danielsson Octogenario Dicatae Upsala,pp. On coepi see ibid. It should be pointed out, however, that the word occurs in the title of a fourth-century poem, in a phrase strikingly similar to that found in our text: For example, if we are to assume that the story is a Roman product, the account of the Greek athletic sports in the circus 5, 19 ff.
On this see L. Before discussing the relationship of the Excidium Troiae to other mediaeval Troy narratives, it will be necessary to summarize the hypotheses already advanced for the explanation of this unknown source material The problem began with a study of the Middle English poem The Seege or Batayle of Troye.
Zietsch, 1 the first to concern himself with the poem, stated that Dares was the chief source, although he pointed out but did not explain a number of divergences. Granz, 3 attempting to account for all the corresponding details, held that an expanded recension of the Roman de Troie was the common source of the accounts, allowing, however, that the English poet made independent use of Dares. The theory was further developed by C.
The whole hypothesis, already grown somewhat topheavy, was valiantly attacked by Miss M. Barnicle in her edition of the Seege.
The material interpolated varies so widely in arrangement and general treatment that the postulation of an extended Roman as a main source is a hindrance rather than an aid. No intermediate stage need have existed save the growth and operation of tradition—meaning, apparently, oral tradition. Let us examine first the possibility of a common source for the Seege or Batayle of Troye, the Trojanische Krieg, and the other related versions which have been mentioned.
The evidence for such a source is briefly this: Although not all the details occur in all the versions in question, yet there are several cases in which two or three of the versions agree against Dares and Benoit. These are, according to the combined studies of Granz and Wager: First of all, it should be pointed out that not all the correspondences noted by the exponents of an expanded Roman de Troie are of any significance.
Benoit relates 7 that Priam, after the rebuilding of Troy, summons a parliament to consider the problem of recovering Hesione, who had been carried away by Hercules and given to Telamon. After some deliberation he decides to send Antenor as a messenger to the Greeks, demanding that Hesione be restored to him. Antenor makes his demand to Peleus, Telamon, Castor and Pollux, and Nestor in turn, but with no success.
Now, the Seege 8 tells that Priam calls his parliament and proposes war against the Greeks, while the parliament favors peace, provided Hesione be restored. Antenor makes his demand before all the Greeks assembled at one spot, seemingly at the court of Hercules, 9 and is duly told to leave, as in Dares and Benoit. In the story of Paris, to which belong four of the six parallels adduced by Granz and Wager, we find a number of considerably more significant details.
The Seege interpolates the following account of his birth and early life: Hecuba, when pregnant, dreams that she gives birth to a firebrand which burns the city of Troy and all the surrounding country. On account of his wisdom he is called Paris. He is sent to Greece, carries away Helen, and thus brings on the Trojan War.
In Konrad, 13 as well as in the other two versions, 14 Hecuba tells her dream to Priam, who wants to kill the child. In all four accounts the child is renamed Paris while the Seege and Konrad agree in having this name given him because of his wisdom. It is almost obvious from the foregoing summary that it would be very difficult to account for all the corresponding details by means of a single hypothetical, all-inclusive source.
The theory of an enlarged Roman de Troie is open to at least three objections, any one of which is fatal: Auswertung der von mir gelesenen bzw. Um nur ein Beispiel zu nennen: Auch ihm sei also herzlich gedankt.
Auflage Nach einem Jahr neun Seiten mehr — was soll man dazu sagen? Ach, schweigen wir lieber! Alphabetisches Titelverzeichnis Abbamonte, Giancarlo Acanfora Quintavalle, Silvana [et al.
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