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It is suspected that, at that point, groups would begin to redefine their previous relationships and cultural origins, even if vaguely. Ethnographic, historical, survey and excavation data are required for the interpretations of the evidence for the sites. For example, it is known that names of plantations served as means of identification of escaped groups.
It has been noted that Runaway slaves from the plantation, La Paix, for exampl e, called themselves La Paix 'row', which was later changed to 'lape lo' in their language. The word lo ', then has been used to identify corporate groups and the name of a matriclan Hoogbergen Such social relationships appear to dictate the reside ntial arrangements and related behavior patterns, as observed at the Maroon settlements of PAGE 16 13 Accompong in Jamaica Agorsah The resulting distribution can be recognized within and around Maroon settlements.
Nature of Saramaka Maroon settlements The next consideration is determining the true structure of the Maroon settlements in their fully fledged forms. In an expedition led by a Captain Creutz to Ponamakreek in the Saramacca River area reported houses, which were probably destroyed de Beet and Price Between and Maroon settlements of the group referred to as the Kwinti were located on the sand ridges of the swampy islands between the est uary of the Saramacca River, in an area that was of difficult accessibility, and the Atlantic Ocean.
Their main village was Makakondre described to consist of 25 houses and two shrines. They are mentioned as having constructed rings of palisades around th eir villages in the same way that Maroons built palisades on the Serra da Bariga ridge in Brazil. Such means of protection of Maroon sites have been observed in other Maroon areas. For example, according to Landerswhen runaways from the Carolinas of USA arrived in northern Florida and built a settlement at Fort Augustine, it PAGE 17 14 was a stone walled fort and shelters with thatched huts described as four square banked with earth, having a ditch without on all sides, lined round with prickly royal and has a well and house within and a look out" Landers Colonial records note that: A period of consolidation of groups in strong holds at more distant locations from plantations would be expected on ridges and ridge areas such as the site of Kumako or in the upper reaches and source of streams, rivers or at confluences such as the site s of Tuido and Djomasanga on the Saramacca River or at locations with a single access entrance such as the sites of Sabana Savanna and Debabunu in the Ebatop area to the west between the Suriname and Saramaka rivers Locations close to marshlands and along safe river channels such as along the Kleine Saramaka River were also common PAGE 18 15 choices of location It is from these sites that the Saramaka and Matawai Maroons of Suriname may have begun the formation of their Maroon culture.
As regards the distribution of house structures in the villages it is mentio ned that: Post Treaty Developments T he distribution of Maroon sites indicating that the sites were in areas away from the main water ways and in forest areas to post treaty post s sites See Fig.
Archaeolog y should provide evidence of changes in material culture and social relationships between these two eras and also into modern times. The formation and the observed distribution clans and family groups would have followed PAGE 19 16 what might be explained as following the local rule LR model of spatial behavior Agorsah 19 8 3, Mode rn occupational practices of the Maroons relate more to forest farming lifestyle despite the fact t hat they lived along the major waterways where river occupation such as fishing would be considered as a major one which is the reason why they are today called the river people ; also, the percentage of time devoted to farming exceeds that of fishing.
Among the modern Saramaka, for example, bush meat diet is more prominent than fish and there is also a greater intensity of procurement strategies toward farming and bush meat huntin g. Maroon oral traditions among the Saramaka still refer to personalities linked to the novelty of fishing, meaning that it was a newer and much later developed as a major occupation next to farming. This may sound simplistic, but any anthropologist should know and understand how such a change could create changes in adaptive and other behavior patterns and consequently the material culture and t he consequent interpretations.
But this is only a hypothesis that needs to be tested with archaeological and appr opriate ethnographic data. Dated artifact assemblages and variability within them should provide evidence for reconstructing the transformations. Logically, migration from one ecological zone to another would require behavior adjustment and possible change in material culture or purposeful adaptation to new and changing environmental and other conditions.
Analysis of the migration routes and the complexity of the directions revealed clearly point to the fact that the escape routes did not all go along clear cu t paths. The need to conceal routes and information about them worsens the picture, making it even more difficult to create working models that take many invisible but ubiquitous routing PAGE 20 17 and connections into account.
Another issue is that with no inte rest in the archaeology of Maroon sites by early researchers, no attempts have been made to either ascertain the existence of the sites or their location, further leading to many inaccurate maps and descriptions. Some of the maps are interpreted to support the geographical sense to the oral traditions The first move toward identification and location of Maroon sites in Suriname, therefore, is to examine these escape routes as the first geographical features in Maroon encounter outside bondage on the planta tion and the context and framework which the formation of their social groups and settlements took place M any of them may have been only on stop gap or temporary sites.
Identification of patterns of movements and selection of locations could go a long wa y in speculations about the formation of the early freedom groups. A question that would follow is: How and what would be the basic assumptions and arguments of relevance for meaningful reconstruction of the process of the formation of Maroon societies and their material culture?
These propositions provide the fram ework for the new trends in the archaeological search for evidence of the formation of Maroon heritage in Suriname. They are by no means conclusions or proven interpretations.
They need to be tested with relevant data and proven one way or the other. Each one of these has its own test implications and analytical procedures as well as relevant arguments regarding the relevance of the specific selected data. Research strategies derived from these will then form the basis for the collection of data for analysi s and interpretation and reconstruction of the formation of Maroon heritage.
PAGE 21 18 Early colonial maps of Suriname de LavauxKoeman provide us with some details about possible early Maroon zones as they relate to the plantations. Historical maps als o provide information about the location of early sites that were in proximity of the plantations Hoogbergen that could have been the sites which witnessed the earliest stages of Maroon flight to freedom.
For more security the Maroons had to escape farther into the interior areas where they could not be readily detected or attacked, eventually establishing long term settlements or strongholds. Explaining patterns of the settlements should help to give a clearer meaning to Maroon behavior in the early stages of their formative process and along the trails of movements.
Dated archaeological material evidence from the project will help fill in the gaps in knowledge about the impact of the exchange between the indigenou s people of Suriname and the African Maroons that previous studies have failed to obtain. The multidisciplinary approach and the willing participation of local and international community partners underline the already established foundation and tradition in which the researched and the researchers collaborate toward a common goal.
As a meeting point for Archaeology, Geography, History, Ethnohistory and other social studies, the project brings migration pathways and the interface between the Maroons and the ir host native Surinamese, archaeological sites and artifacts into one focus to PAGE 22 19 show Maroon heritage as an important element that weaves the past of Suriname together and redefine its place in the history of the Americas and West Africa DeCorseWith its international and intercultural dimensions the project will continue to bring together students and faculty from different cultures and disciplines in mutually beneficial exchanges.
This is an inspiration from my direct experience with the teac hings and field research with Merick Posnanskyand many of my colleagues in which l ocal participation and student training programs will continue to provide opportunities for educational and cultural exchange s.
Analysis of the migration trad itions and the complexity of the directions revealed in the traditions clearly points the fact that not all communication takes place along clear cur paths as there are many environmental and circumstantial connection which are not constrained to routes an d thus hard to identify.
Another issue is that with no interest in the archaeology of Maroon sites, no reconnaissance attempts were made to either ascertain the existence of the sites nor their location, further leading to many maps that seem to be accurate but inaccurate in reality. Interpretations related to these traditions is the reason why some researchers are disturbed about archaeological research on Maroon heritage, wh ich is certainly the only hope for understanding the formation of Maroon heritage.
The first move toward identification and location of Maroon sites in Suriname, therefore, has been an examination of what is now referred to as freedom routes which PAGE 23 20 consis t of the paths taken by variously identified Maroon groups as they escaped to form closely knit social groupings now transformed into what are known today as clans l o among the Saramaka of Suriname.
The freedom routes were not only the first geographic al area in Maroon encounter outside bondage on the plantation but also the context which swathe formation of their social groups and settlements although many of them only on a stop gap or temporary basis. SchoenbrunCambridge University Press, Vol. Haviser, Kingston, Ian Randle Publishers: Ed Africa and the African Diaspora: Adaptation and Resistance, Bloomington, Authorhouse. An Archaeological and Ethnohistorical Per spective.
Archaeology of a changing cultural landscape, the East end community, St. John, Virgin Islands, Island Lives: Historical Archaeologies of the Caribbea n Ed. Historical Archaeology of the East end Community, St. Ethnohistory 47 2 Arauquinoid complex in Northwest Suriname, Part. A and Lichtveld, L. Centrum voor Caraibische Studies. Lavaux, de La A.
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Bijdrage tot onderling begrip. Zutphen, De Walbuurg Pers: An Archaeological investigation Ph. An Example from Brazil, Historical Archaeology 28 1: Croix by Holly K.
Espenshade Syracuse University and New South Associates Abstract The hideouts, lookout points, temporary camps, and concealed communities of runaway slaves may be difficult to locate using traditional methods of archaeological survey. These locations were intentionally made inconspicuous, were likely kept clean of surface refuse, and may have been placed in atypical landscape settings. As we ll, these sites may be small in size and have a limited assemblage of material culture.
A typical archaeological survey that combines screened shovel tests on a 20 m interval with surface survey for structural features is not well suited to the discovery of maroon refuge sites.
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If these important resources are to be discovered, typical methods should be augmented with a GIS based consideration of locational factors and controlled metal detector survey.
Rsum Les cachettes, points dobservation, campement s provisoires et communauts dissimules des esclaves en fuite peuvent tre difficiles localiser en utilisant les mthodes traditionnelles de ltude archologique.
Ces endroits taient intentionnellement discrets, probablement nettoys de dchets et peu vent avoir t situs dans des sites paysagers atypiques. De mme que ces emplacements sont peut tre de petite taille et contiennent peu de biens durables. Une tude archologique typique qui combine des tests de passage au crible la pelle 20 mtres dintervalle avec une tude de surface pour les caractres structurels nest pas approprie la dcouverte des sites de refuge des Maroon.
Si dimportantes ressources taient dcouvertes, les mthodes typiques devraient tre couples avec une considratio n des facteurs de location base sur le GIS et une tude au dtecteur de mtal.
Resumen Los escondites, puntos de observacin, campamentos temporales, y las comunidades ocultas de los esclavos fugitivos pueden ser difciles de localizar utilizando los m todos tradicionales de estudio arqueolgico.
Estos lugares se hizo intencionalmente discreto, probablemente mantendrn limpios de superficie basura, y pueden haber sido colocados en la configuracin del paisaje atpico. Adems, estos sitios pueden ser peq ueos en tamao y probablemente contienen slo unos pocos productos duraderos. Un tpico estudio arqueolgico que combina investigacines de seleccin pala en un intervalo de 20 m con la encuesta superficie de caractersticas estructurales no se adapta bie n al descubrimiento de los sitios de refugio de cimarrones.
The modern inhabitants of St. Thomas proudly point to their unique history of resistance to slavery, including marronage. Paradoxically, there is little good evidence for the exact nature of Maroon activities in many areas of the islands. Croix, the geographical focus of this paper, the re are two general schools of thought. The first holds that the area known broadly as Maroon Ridge or Maroon Mountain served simply as a path or conduit for runaways hoping to catch a boat to Puerto Rico.
The alternative position is that there was a significant Maroon population living permanently in the area from circawhen the island was occupied by the French, until the s, by which time the extensive development of the Danish sugar economy on St.
Croix probably rendered hiding in the bush nearly impossible. How were the Maroons using the landscape of northwestern St. This seems like a pretty basic question to remain unanswered at this late date, yet it is an important question in understanding slave resistance. The archival recor d has little to say to resolve this question, and it is time for historical archaeology to step to the forefront. Is archaeology prepared for this task?
The present paper is the result of an evolving proposal to archaeologically study sites of Maroon refu ge activity in the Maroon Ridge area of northwestern St. In reviewing the archaeological literature, it became clear that little work has been done on Maroon camp sites, where the Maroons were under persistent threat of recapture and PAGE 33 punishment i.
Furthermore, in considering the nature of Maroon refuges, it i s evident that typical archaeological survey methods may fail to properly find, recognize and interpret such sites. Although Marronage is classically associated with runaway African slaves, Indians were often the earliest Maroons in the Caribbean e.
M ost Maroon communities were ephemeral and short lived, und er constant pressure from the militarily dominant European societies in which they existed. Marronage within the Danish West Indies was similarly varied. Although the historic documentary evidence hints at these semi permanent internal settlements on S t.
Thomas, most of the activity centered around escape from the islands, along what Hall has identified as the marine underground to Puerto Rico, Vieques and Tortola, islands held by European powers that were often hostile to Danish policy Hall Maroon Hill is described as almost impassable Highfield and Barac Oldedorp further notes that the Maroons on St. Croix were forced to rely on rainwater caught in rock crevices or basins for their drink ing water, and reports that the fruit of the susack tree was a major subsistence item of the Maroons, who often live exclusively on them Highfield and Barac Oldendorp provides details on the Maroon Hill people: For a long time now, a lar ge number of these Negroes have established themselves on lofty Maroon Hill in the mountains toward the west end of the island.
In addition to the lay of the land, they are there protected by impenetrable bush and by their own wariness. They keep every a pproach safe by attempting carefully to conceal small, pointed stakes of poisoned wood so that the unwary pursuer might wound his foot on them and therefore be prevented from continuing the chase as a result of the unbearable pain.
For those foods t hat they cannot obtain in the wild, they must search at sea at night, exposing themselves to life threatening dangers in the process; or they can steal them from plantations. Croix, they are so bold that they often venture down from their hills dur ing the day and go into the Negro markets in order to procure the necessities. It is not at all easy to identify them among the great numbers of Negroes in the market [Highfield and Barac Oldendorp notes that the Maroon problem was often addre ssed through organized hunts for the runaways, yet states hunts such as these, however, are not organized to track down those who remain in the high Maroon Hills of St.
Croix Highfield and Barac Noting a large number of these Negroes on Ma roon Ridge, Oldendorp provides the best evidence to support the argument for permanent settlement on St. Dookhan supports Halls marine underground hypothesis of marronage on St. PAGE 35 Runaways never comprised a permanent body in the Virgi n Islands such as the maroons in Jamaica, for when the slave hunt became too successful, the slaves escaped to Puerto Rico.
That island had not yet developed a plantation economy and the treatment of slaves there was relatively mild. Besides, runaways were usually employed on works of fortification on the island for one year, after which they were pronounced free and given a plot of land to cultivate.
Slaves escaping to Puerto Rico became lost to the Virgin Islands slave owners, a loss which was more str ongly felt since only the most robust slaves were prepared to hazard the dangers of the 40 odd miles of ocean separating the Danish islands from the much larger Spanish island. The numbers of runaways were apparently large since for alone it was esti mated that about slaves from St.
Croix had escaped to Puerto Rico. The traffic became highly organized by the runaways themselves, and in St. Croix there was a mountain hideout called Maroons Hole just east of Hamms Bluff, where hid eaways were safely hidden in a cave whose entrance was protected by poles of poisonous wood, until they could be transferred to Puerto Rico [Dookhan Maroon Ridge remains a historically significant location to St.
It has generally remai ned a rugged, remote place from the seventeenth century through today. It is mentioned on heritage tours of the island, retains key place names, and is a source of local pride e. Instead, archaeologists have generally investigated stable communities that were established by Maroon groups, and that were tolerated by the PAGE 36 dominant Euro Caribbean culture Agorsah ; Allen ; Or ser and Funari Such Maroon villages can be discovered and examined by typical methods of historical archaeology because the villages are typical residential sites.
These villages often had a rich material culture including permanent structures, r efuse middens, and cleared horticultural plots.
In contrast, refuge camps occupied by small numbers of Maroons living under threat of recapture and punishment are expected to have different characteristics see La Rosa Corzo and for examples of t his type of site in western Cuba. It is reported that the Maroon Ridge area of northwest St.
Croix harbored Maroons from through at least The limited archival record suggests that these Maroons would have been recaptured and severely punished if their recapture was easy.
To make their capture difficult to impossible, the Maroon Ridge groups used the rugged, minimally accessible landscape of Maroon Ridge for their refuge. It is anticipated that refuge camps in areas such as Maroon Ridge on S t. Croix will have the following traits: Site locations will have been selected with concealment in mind.
Site locations would have been chosen with defensibility in mind. Due to these initial criteria, Maroon refuge sites would not have been located on the landforms targeted by normal archaeological survey.
Related to 1 and 2, Maroons would have made a concerted effort to reduce their signatures on the landscape. Depending on the amount of interaction between the refuge Maroons, enslaved African Caribbeans, freedmen, and others e. Due to lack of building materials and risk of loss to slave hunters, the Maroons likely utilized indestructible, ready made rock shelters or caves for many of their sites.
A typical compliance survey within the U. Section process utilizes shovel testing on a 20 meter interval. The method of shovel testing on 20 meter intervals is premised on the targeted sites being greater than 20 meters in diameter, and such sits having sufficient artifact density to be revealed in shovel tests. Maroon refuge sites probably did not have sheet middens and may not ha ve had sufficient artifact density.
Furthermore, the vast majority of artifacts at such sites will be concentrated either in caches or refuse pits; shovel testing is especially ineffective in discovering relatively small features such as these.
Esp enshade et al. Controlled metal detector survey is especially effective for military sites because a large portion of the surviving material culture is metallic, and because artifacts are likely to be sparsely distributed, except for a few refuse features. Clearly, the same applies to Maroon refuge sites. Survey in areas of known or suspected Maroon refuge sites should include intensive metal detector survey.
La Rosa Corzo found machetes, a hoe, a shackle, and buttons in his test excavations in Cuba. In their call for better approaches to finding military sites, Espenshade et al. See Ke egan This basically requires the archaeologist to think like a soldier. Similarly, the archaeologist searching for ephemeral Maroon sites must put themselves in the mindset of the Maroon, to the degree possible.
The archaeologist must let go of th e typical parameters of site location level ground, access to a good water source, exposure to cooling breezes, proximity to transportation corridors, nice view -and think like a Maroon. The archaeologist must keep in mind concealment, defensibility, and escape routes.fernando cerron paredes la familia ingalls piloto parte 11.
The archaeologist must abandon their concept of what a house will look like, and which support features an oven, a cistern must be present at a residence. The archaeologist must abandon the typical expectation for midden. Luckily, the techniques of Geographic Information System GIS provides a means of defining t hose areas with the highest probability of containing Maroon sites, while also defining areas that will not require survey. The challenge is to translate expected parameters of Maroon site selection into variables that can be derived from available geogra phic data sets.
There are consistencies in descriptions of Maroon refuge camps. Successful maroon communities learned quickly to turn the harshness of their immediate surroundings to their advantage for purposes of concealment and defense.
La Rosa Corzo As already stated, the places i n which runaway slaves chose to settle had to meet the most basic requirements for living under attack: These three conditions, which often overlappe d, corresponded to three different though related spatial levels [La Rosa Corzo GIS offers the ability to model inaccessibility according to a number of environmental and cultural variables.
The tools of cumulative vie wshed analysis, similiar to viewshed applications in cell tower studies, can be used to map which locations are visible from key points. In this case, cumulative veiwshed analysis could prioritize locales where a Maroon could stay concealed while simultan eously surveying the area for potential hazards. Previous archaeological surveys have shown that not only did Maroons tend to choose inaccessible places such as ridge tops and swamps, but also chose rock outcrops and caves as shelters, both of which would be an important starting place for such a study.
Historic documents also indicate that many maroons maintained ties with friends and family who remained on plantations, or even participated in trade at local markets for food stuffs and other goods; if so pathways and travel distances between potentially significant points would have to be included in the mapped features. The benefits of incorporating a GIS component into an archaeological survey of Maroon Ridge would be two fold.
First, GIS can be used to create a predictive model, PAGE 40 allowing the researcher to narrow the focus of intensive metal detector and other remote sensing survey. One of the greatest advantages of GIS to constructing predictive models for Maroon refuge sites would be in the ability to constantly assess and modify the model throughout the duration of field work as GIS software enables the visualization of data patterns at or soon after their collectionfacilitating a reflexive approach to data collection Conolly a nd Lake By creating a GIS model, the scope of the metal detec tor survey can be reduced to a feasible level, and the key locations can be examined intensively.
The second benefit to a GIS based approach would come after the field data is in, when we can begin analyzing and explaining the relationships of Maroon site s across the physical and social landscape of St. For instance, was there a change through time, say between when the French held the island versus when the Danish occupied, in the character of maroon sites?
Did multiple sites exist simultaneously? The creation and testing of the model provides an interpretive tool for better understanding Maroon strategies. Once a GIS model has been developed and tested, the key variables can be used to assess the potential for Maroon refuge sites on St. John an d St. Thomas, as well as questions concerning the spatial relationships between Maroon sites and plantation or other institutional sites across the island, and the spatial and temporal relationship between Maroon sites themselves.
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