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And if there are many, as the language of worship often suggests, can we know them all? By naming the creatures, Adam gained power over Creation. Could there be even greater power in knowing all the names of the Lord? My subject in the following pages is a corner of the Christian experience where such questions have been made enormously significant both intellectually and existentially. The practice is widespread, and its numerous purposes defy easy generalizations.
Lists of divine names are used across written and oral discourses to glorify and to instruct, to protect and to subjugate, and are equally at home in all quarters of Christian culture: To be sure, such extensive production of sacronymic catalogues is not unique to Christianity. Virtually all theistic religions share the Christian zeal for embracing the divine realm in a list, whether through the names of numerous gods and goddesses or through the numerous names of a single divinity.
Divine Names as Terms of Order My study of Christian listmaking practices can be classified under the general rubric of rhetoric in the sense that it targets verbal performance and persuasion, the ability of words to produce social realities.
Since I treat lists as rhetorical figures, or tropes, of serial arrangements, this project has particular affinities to the subfield of tropology—the discipline at the interface of poetics and rhetoric that Aristotle inaugurated to study verbal ingenuity and patterns of associative thought. The objectives of contemporary tropology branch along two analytical paths: What do lists do in Christian praxis?
What is their locus in life, their internal justification, their enduring appeal for Christian communities? How does their performance change in shifting contexts?
What do they accomplish for the people involved in their production and exchange? These and similar questions define the telos of this book. Within the rhetorical discipline, my study is most at home in the niche carved by Kenneth Burke in his book The Rhetoric of Religion: Studies introduction 3 in Logology. Such, at least, has been the simple premise of my project.
Nomenclature does not by itself presuppose order, as classification does. Yet systematic knowledge tends to correlate the terms it uses with its own classifications—to correlate, as it were, its language and its vision of order— to the effect that its nomenclature becomes also a taxonomy.
More specifically, I argue in the following chapters, from the point of view of particular texts in context, that a list of divine names, when articulated from a position of authority, seeks to impose a vision of order upon whole communities of Christians and shape their lives according to that vision.
What Kind of Order? Such a hypothesis of origin presents the created world as a cosmos in the etymological sense of the term. Everything in this world is presumed to be radically contingent upon the free decision of the Creator. Chance, accident, mistake are but words to label the human inability to understand the logic of divine order.
In the grand design of Providence, nothing lacks meaning or purpose: Christianity, together with Judaism and Islam, thus offers a limiting case of a vision of order, with God the Creator as its single universal principle.
The difficulty lies in the paradox implied in a vision of that scale: I leave aside for now the important question of agency and emphasize only one aspect of this paradoxical demand that is particularly relevant to the current discussion.
Since the unseen predictably resists visual representation, its most natural rhetorical venue is language—the medium of total imagination. Leading religious communities to believe in an unseen order, in other words, depends almost exclusively on verbal rhetoric: If the rhetorical project of making people believe in what they cannot see is indeed fundamental to any religious enterprise as James suggests and scholars of religion as different as Jonathan Z.
Smith and Clifford Geertz appear to accept almost axiomaticallyit is especially so for Christianity, where that concern has generated from the start a particularly strong sense of doctrinal urgency. The scene occurs at a pivotal moment in Christian history when Jesus appears to his collected disciples a second time after the Resurrection.
The Christianity of the future will be made of those who believe not because they have witnessed the deeds, but because they have heard the message. The Thomas episode thus represents a crucial transformation of the Christian community from a society of direct disciples, or eyewitnesses, to a universal community of a verbal tradition.
The ear, rather than the eye, becomes the organ of faith from now on, as the focus of the Christian experience shifts from the revelatory event the Incarnation to the text that proclaims it the New Testament. Lists as Figures of Display Shifting the focus to the visual component of my initial formula, let me now ask the question How can a list make order visible?
What internal characteristic of the list trope makes a catalogue of divine names an effective vehicle for putting the unseen Christian order on display? To begin to answer this question, I must first go back to the concept of nomenclature and consider its principal affinity to classification and order. Nomenclatures allow us to articulate a classification, to translate it from the realm of abstractions into the realm of words.
Nomenclatures, of course, do not presuppose order by themselves; we can have, as we usually do in real life, terminologies that are more or less unsystematic. Yet the ambition of any systematic knowledge is to correlate its vision and its language of order so that its nomenclature becomes also a taxonomy, and it is this internal tendency, this asymptotic movement of nomenclature toward systematicity that is important for us.
Now I cannot think of a more direct, economical, and effective articulation of any nomenclature than a list, which makes the list, ideally at least, the optimal articulation of a taxonomy as well. When we present the terms of order in a list, we represent the entire order system to which they belong, putting that system on display, so to speak, for everyone to see.
That is what I mean when I claim that some lists make order visible. Years ago I was told of a little boy who could not bear to have his toys put away. Each time his mother put them in a toy box, the boy would take them out and line them up across his room. My hunch was that a mere list of the toys would have the same effect, for I imagined a verbal list to be a substitution for a lineup, its symbolic representation.
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It took another child to show me that in action. Four years ago, when I was already deeply involved in this project, friends from Sweden came to visit with their two-year-old daughter, Dara. The first thing Dara did each morning of their stay was to list, in a solemn ritual of roll-call, all the children from her daycare center in Stockholm.
It was a touching sight to see this little girl, still sleepy in her bed, reciting with introduction 7 special care the names of her friends, pointing with each name to a particular place in a circle that remained invisible to the rest of us.
The order of the names was always the same, probably the one her Swedish teacher used at home. And when her own name came up, Dara would point to herself and bow with a little smile, glad to be included in the circle, to be part of the order as she knew it. The listing ritual was clearly an exercise of verbal magic: A list, then, is a symbolic imposition of a particular vision upon reality. What Is Symbolic Production of Order? This position was first articulated as a coherent theory in the s by the French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu.
The process of its social recognition is a matter of rhetoric: Symbolic capital, then, is nothing more than a veritable credit of trust that the members of a group invest in a person, granting him the right to speak for all of them and, in so doing, to shape the reality in which they live.
Once the members of a group invest symbolic capital in a social agent, they expect him to turn a profit—to augment their investment in the form of added honor and prestige. Bourdieu the sociologist is interested mostly in the potential of symbolic capital to effect social change by reinforcing social inequality. My concern is not with the social results but with the rhetorical mechanisms of this process, with verbal strategies such as listmaking that shape the symbolic representation of order, making it socially recognizable.
Furthermore, unlike Bourdieu, who is preoccupied with the careers of the authority figures involved in producing order, I call attention to the social promotion of texts that embody authoritative visions of order.
For a medievalist, such a preference is a matter not only of professional bias, but also of necessity: The texts form an unlikely pair at first sight: What makes them equally relevant for our discussion, despite the obvious dissimilarities, is their shared interest in listing the names of the Lord.
And what makes them stand out together in the long tradition of this trope in Christian culture is their ambition to offer the definitive list, to exhibit all the names of the Lord from a position of authority. The very possibility of such a gesture, of course, has everything to do with successful social promotion, which is always the result of extratextual factors, of specific though often anonymous actors pursuing their own agendas with respect to the texts they promote.
It was a triumphant career across both time and space that ensured, in each case, the public recognition of our texts as loci of religious authority and symbolic power.
That is why this book begins and ends with a historical narrative about the career of a text chapters 1 and The two success stories sample well the varieties of religious experience in the field of Christian logology, for the equally intense expression of social renown in each case is rooted in opposite practices exhibiting alternative positions on the Word and the Name, and on the ways the two could shape social realities in a Christian context. This text, like a burning bush, was seen as perpetually instructive, inextinguishable, forever drawing new readers into its circle of significance.
Every amulet in active use is an embodiment of the public trust in its power to make real the order it represents; and the more visibly and abundantly it is being used, the faster its symbolic capital grows. The theological text that I have chosen as the center of analysis in the first part of this book is the well-known Greek treatise The Divine Names, which belongs to the historically first Christian corpus of systematic theology. The author of the corpus presented himself as St.
Dionysius the Areopagite, a first-century Athenian converted by St. Paul, although the texts were evidently written much later, close to the time when they first came into the public eye in the sixth century.
Due to a cluster of factors that I examine in chapter 1, the corpus including our text was the focus of intense 10 introduction exegetical labor almost from the start, and the intensity only increased with time.
The result was an interpretive project that remains unique in Christian history outside of the biblical canon, a project that invested the corpus with an authority second only to that of the Bible itself. All these familiar facts from the career of the Areopagitical Corpus present the treatise The Divine Names as the most authoritative formulation of the Christian theological position on the names of God.
While the contribution of the Pseudo-Areopagite to Christian thought has been studied from every angle imaginable, there has been little reflection on the relation of his theology of the Name to Christian rhetorical practices.
Even less has been done to address the interrelation of his theory with the continual Christian practice of listing the names of the unnamable Divinity.
My rereading of this familiar text is intended to explore such an unfamiliar territory. Dionysius the Areopagite—behind the open-ended list of biblical terms for the Lord and, in so doing, produced this trope as a recognizable authoritative pattern for articulating the terms of Christian order.
The rest, as the saying goes, is history. As the symbolic capital of the treatise grew beyond the control of its author, spectacularly magnifying the initial impact of his theory, so did the authority of the trope itself.
The text that forms the center of my second case study is a Slavonic amulet known as The 72 Names of the Lord, whose earliest copies date from the end of the thirteenth century. Its employment as an amulet is declared directly in the text itself: In place of the open-ended list of God-terms that Dionysius promoted, the amulet offers a closed numerical series.
No less conspicuously, it repositions the list of divine names from the speculative field of theology into the field of apotropaic practices, where it is mobilized not as a prop in pursuit of the Good but as a protective shield against evil. The respective scholarly careers of the two texts reveal further distinctions. The profusion of gaps and dark spots in our knowledge of this text imposed a rather specific set of priorities and methodological choices on my approach.
As a result, the second part of this book appears to be almost incongruous with the first in its language and frame of reference, even in its disciplinary locus.
Subscribing to the assumption that the number has a shared Judeo-Christian symbolism, I explore clusters of fold concepts that abound in the written 12 introduction production of the Semito-Hellenic world.
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The goal of the quest is to recover behind the apparent heterogeneity of these concepts a common network of meaning—a unified vision of order—and to identify the particular channels through which it could have informed Slavic magic practices chapters 5, 6, and 7. The results of this extensive experiment become visible in the last three chapters of the book. I demonstrate, over a large body of textual traces, that The 72 Names of the Lord has its roots in the Gnostic Kabbalah and originates from a Kabbalo-Christian exchange that most probably took place in Provence in the twelfth century chapters 8 and 9.
Unlike my first case study, which begins by establishing the authority of Dionysius, my discussion of The 72 Names has the opposite trajectory: This most glorious chapter in the history of the text begins in Venice inwhen the Slavonic amulet was first set in print. The following century saw several highly successful editions of The 72 Names that, in effect, transformed this previously obscure magical artifact into a popular commodity on the emerging Slavic book market.
The process has a number of intriguing implications, though what interests me here is chiefly the fact that it invested the amulet with significant religious authority. The apparent discord between my two case studies thus collapses in the end into a unity of focus and purpose. The unlikely pairing of one of the most visible texts in Christian theology with an amulet of obscure, heterodox origin and rather provincial fame proves to illuminate a common concern at the heart of Christian culture.
The two texts represent—from their respective positions of authority in the Christian field—two alternative models for listing the names of God that coexist, more or less unproblematically, in Christian practice: Each has its own representative locus in Christian culture. The open-ended list typifies the orthodox theological position on the limits of naming God as an interminable endeavor both reflecting upon and reflected in the official Christian rhetoric of infinity.
The two texts, when counterpoised as a contrastive pair, not only illuminate a set of theoretical questions about making lists and making order in Christian culture, but also mutually illuminate one another, revealing in each other aspects that remain otherwise eclipsed. The compiler of the printed version went so far as to include in the amulet itself an exegetical passage, thus incorporating biblical exegesis—prescribed by Dionysius as a requirement for the proper listing of the names—directly into the making of the list proper.
No less importantly, the explicit correlation of sacred order and divine names in the project of Dionysius conditions us to recognize the equivalents in other spheres of Christian practice where it is not necessarily as striking including magic.
The dual theoretical focus of this book—a focus on order and lists—thus emerges directly from the unorthodox juxtaposition of my two privileged texts. If indeed, as I have suggested here, there is a direct relationship between the production of sacred order and the pronouncement of a list of divine names from a position of authority, our two highly visible lists should represent two alternative visions of Christian order.
Moreover, since, for Christianity, order is also an ethical system, Christian cosmological imagination is always already a moral imagination. We are to expect, therefore, that the list of divine names would function in the Christian context not only as an epistemological figure but also as a motivational gesture, as a scenario for social behavior. My analyses put these conjectures to the test, treating them as open questions rather than as axioms.
Does it make a difference which option you choose? Are the two compatible? So, with hope for adventure and discovery, we are ready to embark. It consists only of names. Less fatalistically perhaps, we can claim that they have careers: The enduring success of a book, like that of a person, depends largely on the will and labor of others, and so it often tells more about management than about intrinsic merit. There are only a few books in Christian culture that rival—in scope or impact—the fabulous career of the Greek theological works attributed to Saint Dionysius the Areopagite.
Since, however, I focus on the names of God, our particular interest turns on the treatise The Divine Names, which stands out in the Christian tradition as the most authoritative theological discourse on the naming of God. Myth and Mystification The Areopagitical corpus was written, in all probability, at the beginning of the sixth century, shortly before it first came into the public eye.
Dionysius the Areopagite, ca. John the Baptist in Patmos. Courtesy of Avery Library, Columbia University. While effectively concealing from posterity his true identity, the pen name granted his work a near-apostolic authority and placed it at the head of the patristic tradition.
Luck was on his side as the divine names and dionysius the areopagite 19 well, for he not only managed to fool everyone with his mystification, but even benefited from the unintended consequences of assuming the name of Dionysius. I have in mind, of course, the typical medieval conflation and confusion of namesakes that, in the ninth century, presented our mystery man with another fabulous extension of his biography.
He was identified— by intent or by mistake—also with Saint-Denis, a third-century missionary to Gaul who became the first Bishop of Paris and then a beloved patron saint of all of France. The Exegetes The name of Dionysius was invaluable for promoting the Areopagitical corpus across the Christian world.
Yet the sustained career of this work was not so much the result of self-promotion as the fruit of a continual interpretive labor—the rich tradition of its theological commentaries and annotations that, almost from the start, became inseparable from the corpus itself. The first in a succession of medieval commentators was John of Scythopolis d.
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